Understanding It– Why Radical Islam… Why Now?
By TruthJustice
Victor
Hanson, author, professor, and speaker, answers this question that
puzzles many people. Why did Islamo-fasicsm burst on the scene at all..
and why now? To summarize: it’s local/indigenous, it appeals to people,
the West seems hesitant/weak, the Arab autocracies indirectly stimulated
this movement… and he comes up with ideas on how to fight its advance.
excerpts:December 21, 2006Why Radical Islam — And Why Now?
…in Darfur, Muslim militiamen called janjaweed are waging genocide against black Christian and animist villagers – apparently with the consent of the Sudanese government.Shiite and Sunni militias, each claiming to represent true Islam, keep slaughtering each other in Iraq.
Hezbollah (“Party of God”) seeks to destroy democracy in Lebanon by provoking Israel, which it is sworn to eliminate.
…The Iranian Shiite theocracy – when not hosting Holocaust deniers or sending terrorists into Iraq – issues serial pledges to finish off Israel.
The
shaky Pakistani leadership pleads that it can neither target Osama bin
Laden nor stop Taliban jihadists hiding out in the remote regions of
Pakistan from streaming back into Afghanistan.In Europe, opera
producers, novelists, cartoonists and filmmakers are increasingly
circumspect out of fear of death threats from Islamists.
While each conflict is unique and rooted in its own history, the common thread – radical Islam – is obvious. It’s
thus worth asking why this violent, intolerant strain of Islam has
taken hold in so many unstable places – and at this particular time.
The
ascent of radical Islam is, perhaps, the natural culmination of a
century’s worth of failed political systems in Muslim countries that
were driven by morally bankrupt ideologies, led by cruel dictators, or
both.
In
the 1930s, German-style fascism appealed to Arabs in Palestine and
Egypt. Soviet-style communism had sympathetic governments in
Afghanistan, Algeria and Yemen. Baathism took hold in Syria and Iraq.
The secular Egyptian dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser promised a new
pan-Arabism that would do away with colonial borders that divided the
“the Arab nation.” Then there is the more pragmatic authoritarianism
that survives in Muammar el-Qaddafi’s Libya or in the petrol-monarchies
in the Gulf.
Radical
Islam may be as totalitarian and as morally bankrupt as any of these
past or mostly defunct “isms,” but its current appeal isn’t hard to
figure out. Unlike fascism or communism, radical Islam is locally grown,
and not plagued by charges of foreign contamination. Indeed, Islamists
claim to wage jihad against the modernism and globlization of the
outside, mostly Westernized world. Such a message resonates in stagnant,
impoverished Muslim countries.
Of
course, while the people of the region may be poor, the Islamist
movement isn’t. Huge oil profits filter throughout the Muslim world,
allowing Islamists to act on their rhetoric. In today’s world, militias
can easily acquire everything from shoulder-held anti-aircraft missiles
to rocket-propelled grenades. With such weapons, and on their own turf,
Islamists can nullify billion-dollar Western jets and tanks.
There
is still another reason for the rise of Islamists: They sense a new
hesitation in the West. We appear to them paralyzed over oil prices and
supplies and fears of terrorism. And so they have also waged a brilliant
propaganda war, adopting the role of victims of Western colonialism,
imperialism and racism. In turn, much of the world seems to tolerate
their ruthlessness in stifling freedom, oppressing women and killing
nonbelievers.
So
how, aside from killing jihadist terrorists, can we defend ourselves
against the insidious spread of radical Islam? Here are a few starting
suggestions:
Bluntly
identify radical Islam as fascistic – without worrying whether some
Muslims take offense when we will talk honestly about the extremists in
their midst.
At
the same time, keep encouraging consensual governments in the Middle
East and beyond that could offer people security and prosperity, while
distancing ourselves from illegitimate dictators, especially in Syria
and Iran, that promote terrorists.
Establish that no more autocracies in the Middle East and Asia will be allowed to get the bomb.
Seek
energy independence that would collapse the world price of oil, curbing
petrodollar subsidies for terrorists and our own appeasement of their
benefactors.
Appreciate
the history and traditions of a unique Western civilization to remind
the world that we have nothing to apologize for but rather much good to
offer to others.
Finally,
keep confident in a war in which our will and morale are every bit as
important as our overwhelming military strength. The jihadists claim
that we are weak spiritually, but our past global ideological enemies –
Nazism, fascism, militarism and communism – all failed. And so will
they.
Victor
Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution,
Stanford University, and author, most recently, of “A War Like No Other:
How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War.”
You can reach him by e-mailing author@victorhanson.com.
FAIR
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